UlasanAnime.com – The discourse surrounding voice actors (seiyuu) has evolved significantly, leading to a division among fans and a new terminology to describe these evolving dynamics. A recent observation by Paranda highlights a perceived split within the seiyuu fandom, categorizing voice actors into two factions: those recognized for their “jitsuryoku” (true ability) and those whose popularity is questioned due to idol-like appeal or perceived reliance on external factors like agency promotion or questionable casting practices.
Seiyuu ended up being divided into two factions by fan opinions. The “jitsuryoku” camp contained seiyuu with true voice ability that get casted based on their own strength. The other camp contained seiyuu tainted with various unflattering speculation: they’re just idols, failed mainstream wannabes, casted from the couch (makura eigyou = pillow trade), they have a monotone voice (bouyomi), they’re only popular because of the agency’s monstrous PR power (gorioshi = Gorilla Push), and so on.
Within all of this bubbling resentment, the word “koebuta” ended up getting thrown around to describe fans that entered into the fandom because of the latter group. What it implies is that they like the idol aspects of seiyuu more than the voice acting.
The ones on the receiving end of the word took it in stride, and some even began calling themselves the term with pride, considering the detractors as elitist old farts. Besides there’s nothing wrong with liking seiyuu for other reasons so who cares?
The author attempts to engage with Paranda’s post, but finds the blog’s commenting system challenging. This format allows for a more extended reflection on the topic.
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The initial categorization of the author’s blog categories, such as “Seiyuu, Idol, Pop” established in 2008, already hinted at this multifaceted nature of the seiyuu industry. While the primary focus here is on the female side of the fandom, similar dynamics are acknowledged to exist for male seiyuu.
/cracks fingers
The broader landscape of seiyuu fandom, influenced by marketing and fan engagement, is more intricate than a simple dichotomy. Observing seiyuu from the 1990s who embodied the idol archetype reveals that many seiyuu function as multifaceted “personalities” within the entertainment industry. Figures like Aya Hisakawa or Kotono Mitsuishi, with their showa-era idol bearing, could easily have pursued mainstream idol careers with the right opportunities.
This is contrasted with the modern seiyuu idol, whose definition has shifted dramatically, much like the evolution seen in groups such as AKB48. While the mainstream perception of an average AKB48 member might be that of a simple, hard-working entertainer with accessible charm, this perception doesn’t necessarily reflect the reality of their talent or the nature of their performance. The author believes that many contemporary seiyuu, such as Ootsubo, TKTT, Ohashi, and Ogura, are highly talented entertainers and potentially skilled voice actors. The current idol landscape emphasizes a more down-to-earth appeal, embracing weaknesses and quirks, which aligns with the “koebuta” concept. This broader demand for a complete package means that talent doesn’t always need to excel in primary disciplines, as long as they can captivate in other areas.
The author draws a parallel between voice actors like Junko Iwao or Mariko Kouda and those like Satsuki Yukino or Mayumi Tanaka, suggesting that while the gap in voice acting ability might be narrow, the idol appeal of some propels their careers further.
The current seiyuu idol model is a direct reflection of today’s market. In the “koebuta” era, this is not inherently problematic. Liking Kana Hanazawa or Yoko Hikasa as idols or singers, or enjoying Haruka Tomatsu or Ayahi Takagaki as entertainers, is perfectly valid, especially when their voice acting skills are also recognized. Voice acting is a forgiving profession where even those who may not excel in live-action acting can still find success and leverage it for additional marketing opportunities.
However, for those who might not possess such multifaceted talents, the author offers a “good luck” sentiment.
The discussion also touches upon the need for statistical data and context to fully understand these dynamics. The author acknowledges their own limited knowledge in this area and suggests that the way the voice acting industry operates contributes to the formation of these seiota factions. While historically, fans might have followed seiyuu who pursued idol activities as a side venture, the current landscape of mixed-media franchises and idol production systems complicates this. It’s acceptable to embrace a voice actress’s idol persona, but instances like the stories surrounding Kei Shindou, gravure photos of Shikaco, or the “Hirano Aya nonsense” present hurdles that fans must navigate.
Technological advancements also play a role. Unlike showa-era idols, contemporary seiyuu actively engage with fans through platforms like Twitter. The author recalls a screening event where the seiyuu introductions were a highlight, emphasizing the clarity and detail afforded by high-definition projection, which allows for close-up views of imperfections, a level of intimacy not possible with 1989 NTSC television.
In response to Paranda’s 60-40 split (presumably between jitsuryoku and idol appeal), the author posits a 90-10 leaning, while still appreciating the “koebuta” aspects, albeit to a lesser degree. The author clarifies a preference for idols in the style of “White Album” rather than those in the vein of Momusu or AKB48.
A bonus question is posed regarding the implications of these dynamics within the context of franchises like Million Live and Cinderella Girls, suggesting a potentially meta-level of engagement.
